Showing posts with label Solutions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Solutions. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 13, 2019

Societat Civil Catalana (SCC) comes together to avoid the partisan struggle of 28-A - In an internal document, SCC defends a new stage in Catalonia with less emotional tension


Iñaki Ellakuría, Barcelona

03/13/2019 06:30 Updated to 3/13/2013 12:08 AM


Societat Civil Catalana (SCC), due to its transversal composition, has suffered a lot in recent months with the climate of electoral confrontation between the PSOE, PP and Ciudadanos, based on the vote of no confidence of Pedro Sánchez against Mariano Rajoy, which began to break the constitutionalist unity in Catalonia. To the point that this entity founded in 2014 skirted the disappearance at the end of December, when a clash in its leadership forced the return of Josep Ramon Bosch to the presidency. Overcoming those days of civil war, which have left deep wounds and echoes of distrust, the leadership of SCC has come together to shield itself against the partisan battle of 28-A and find a meeting point between the different sensibilities that nest in the main constitutionalist entity of Catalonia.

The "Strategic Plan 2019", a document of seventeen points to which La Vanguardia has had access, starts from this will. The navigation book of the association to promote a "strong and plural Catalonia within a united Spain" that will overcome by elevation the independence procés. "We are the builders of a new civic conscience in Catalonia (...) that will end up facilitating new political majorities that are at the service of concord among Catalans", they point out. A few words that point to a renewal of its message to adapt it to the new social and political reality, after confirming "the collapse of the independence tsunami, intensely encouraged from power since 2012".

SCC seeks to achieve a delicate balance between what is a frontal opposition to independence and the denunciation of Catalan nationalism, which are the coordinates of where the association comes from, in addition to being the discourse that most mobilizes its supporters, with a more purposeful message directed "to the other Catalonia".

The road map is a look to the future but also to the past, as they claim to leave aside as in the origins of SCC the ideological differences, proper in an entity formed by people related to the PSC, PP and Cs, to "focus" on few objectives but very clear. Among these are the need to "recover the spirit" of October 8, 2017, the date of the massive demonstration of constitutionalism in Barcelona. They admit, without ambiguity and from the self-criticism, the internal confrontations that almost made them shipwreck before Christmas.

Language, pluralism and school

"The application of article 155 was possible because of the constitutionalist unity. However, throughout these last months this union has been deteriorating, to a de facto and sometimes sour break", they say.

In order not to repeat past errors, they warn that after the multiple confrontation that is coming it "would be good" that once the electoral cycle is left behind, irrespective of who sits in the Moncloa, "constitutionalist tuning would take place again, in line with the spirit of the October 8th". In this sense, they point out the mayoral elections of May as "a historic opportunity for new alliances for coexistence and unity in many cities of Catalonia".

One of the sections of its report is committed to "guarantee pluralism, recover coexistence." Among its commitments, to be "belligerent when it comes to denouncing any abuse of individual rights and liberties"; to demand the "neutrality of public spaces", to encourage the discourse of an "ideologically and politically inclusive Catalonia".

"With our tone, without renouncing any of our demands and requisites, we must contribute to reducing the exasperation and emotional tension that has dominated Catalan society and has often prevented political rationality from opening up over emotional impulsiveness", the SCC posits.

Despite the differences that PP, Cs and the PSC have had over the issue of language and school, two battlefields of the independence movement for decades, SCC aims to adopt its own and clear position. Thus, it will defend the "pluralistic conception of Spain" and, under this premise, will defend "the two languages ​​of Catalonia as a wealth of our own land". They are also in favor of a "free and plural school" in which Spanish and Catalan "must be vehicular languages".

Among the actions to fight against the dialectic that confronts "Catalan and Spanish", presenting them as antagonistic, the Dialogues for coexistence forum and the Spain 2030 forum stand out, a space for personalities of different ideological origins to debate territorial organization, pensions, infrastructures..." The Observatori Econòmic de Catalunya will also issue a series of reports on the progress of the Catalan economy.

The document also includes a series of petitions addressed to the political Madrid, such as the recovery of the presence of the State in Catalonia and that Barcelona, ​​from a perspective of co-capital city, should be the seat of important state organs and institutions.

https://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20190313/461007395525/societat-civil-plan-estrategico-independentismo-cataluna-espana-28-a.html
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Saturday, March 09, 2019

For The Day After

EN ES

Lluis Foix
Spanish journalist and writer, specialized in international politics.

6/3/2019 La Vanguardia





ENGLISH
In the harshest years of the cold war there was a joke in Budapest in which someone asked what is the worst thing about communism, and the answer was "what comes next". The future is invented and fear is not usually formed by the misfortunes or concerns of the present, but from the uncertainties of the future.
In his chronicles about the falsification of history, the Italian historiographical essayist Paolo Mieli recalls how, at the end of 1943, when the Germans sensed that they may be defeated, a phrase was spread in Germany that was like a premonition: let's enjoy the war because peace will be terrible. And it was not just in defeated Germany, but also in Europe, as it was strewn with corpses and destroyed, morally and materially.

Each era has its own version of the past, looking for that slant that best suits current policies. There is more talk about historical memory than about historical truth, as the cultural activist Albert Manent liked to mention. The historical truth sticks to the mistakes and successes of all parties at all times without trying to repeat situations that are entirely different.

It was Manent himself, militant nationalist and faithful to Jordi Pujol (President of Catalonia from 1980 to 2003), who in the last months of his life, he died in 2014, told me that in order to avoid the frustrations that had so often shaken Catalan society and politics, you must: do things in time, master the calendar and foresee the consequences of the actions taken in any decision of public nature.

We are in full turmoil; with a trial in progress involving half of the previous Catalan Government, with the usual struggles and backstabbings to make the lists in the Spanish electoral system to choose the members for Congress, Europe, municipalities and communities where parliaments are renewed. We will arrive in the summer and the political map may have turned upside down or, in any case, it will be very different.

You have to prepare for the day after, in Europe, and in Spain and Catalonia. In the European Parliament, according to the polls, extremism is going to increase, more from the right than from the left, which no longer want to destroy the European Union but to change it in questions of principles that affect the dignity of the people and respect for those who think differently. Democracy must protect minorities.

Whatever the outcome of the afore mentioned elections that will take place up to the 26th of May, Spain and Catalonia will need to find a common ground that will restore as much confidence as possible within the discrepancies and disaffection that are here to stay for a very long time. Whatever the judgments of the trial, what has happened since Artur Mas (president of the region of Catalonia from 2010 to 2015) became pro-independence hasn't been positive. Whom can settle the chaos present in Catalonia; a president who depends on another one that is self-exiled in Waterloo (Brussels), several ex-members of his government on trial, plus two social leaders also prosecuted, a few self-exiled politicians and a parliament that is practically inactive? I think no one, not even those who have grown exponentially in Catalan politics as a result of collecting hundreds of thousands of anti-independence votes.

The leaders of the Process will have to accept that things have not gone well in Catalonia and that continuing with the confrontation with the Spanish state won’t lead anywhere. It has not had the support of Europe or the Western democracies, it has not achieved a sufficient social majority needed to take the steps in order to break with Spain and, above all, as is being demonstrated in the trial, there was a firm plan that enabled them to carry breaking up with Spain with a minimum of guarantees. The State will also have to admit that it did not know how to politically manage a conflict that couldn't end up in the courts.

Rajoy did not think that the separatists would go as far as they did, and the Catalan sovereignty aims did not calculate that Spain would react with all the instruments at its disposal to avoid a unilateral secession. People with as much legal experience as the former member of the Constitutional Court, the pro-secessionist and strategist Carles Viver Pi-Sunyer, knew that the famous white book promoted by him had nothing to do with some sort of formula for the disconnection of Francoism, law by law, that was intended to be promoted in Catalonia. It was hoped that Europe would opt for Catalan independence, thinking that the breakdown of legality would be accepted by the pressure of the multitudinous demonstrations.

The first thing that should be done in the day after, in my opinion, is to restore the internal complicities in Catalonia so that, at least, the institutions function with shared rules of the political game. It is also necessary to return to the Parliament the function of being the center of the national debate. Crises are discussed and resolved in Parliament, as it's being demonstrated these days in Westminster. See, in short, what's the place of Catalonia in Europe and in the world knowing that, today, its unilateral rupture is impossible. Borrowing the title The Conspiracy Of The Irresponsable, from the book of Jordi Amat, we must flee from useless acts, although they may seem heroic.

ESPAÑOL

Para el día después

https://www.lavanguardia.com/opinion/20190306/46872270558/para-el-dia-despues.html


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Friday, March 08, 2019

Ex-Leader of Catalan Nationalist Government Coalition (CiU) Josep Duran i Lleida: "Artur Mas (ex- president of Catalonia) rebuffed a deal offered by M. Rajoy (ex-president of Spain) to be voted by Catalans"

EN ES

José Rico
4/3/2019 El periódico







ENGLISH

Ex-leader of "Unió ( Democratic Union of Catalonia, Christian Democrat) reveals a frustrated mediation between both presidents before "N9" (An illegal consultation on independence organized by the Catalan government on November 9th, 2014).

Ex-president of Spain offered exploring a political agreement in case CiU promised to endorse it.

Despite a noisy reaction by the Popular Party and other right wing organizations in view of (president) Pedro Sanchez´s proposal to bring an independent witness ("relator") into the dialogue between the central government and the Generalitat (Catalan government) so as to acknowledge the true nature of conversations, the trial of the "Procés" (pro independence leaders) in the Supreme Court is helping cast light on the multiple attempts at mediation made throughout the Catalan conflict when the tenant of "La Moncloa" (Spain´s presidential palace) bore the name of Mariano Rajoy. Two of the attempts were revealed by "El Periódico of Catalonia"; the first by Iñigo Urkullu - president of the Basque Country who tried to stop "in extremis" both; the DUI (the unilateral declaration of independence by the Catalan government) as well as the declaration of Article 155 of the constitution (authorizing Rajoy´s intervention of the Catalan regional government sanctioned by the Senate) and the second; a mediation which took place between 2013 and 2014 led by three emissaries: Joan Rigol, Pedro Arriola and José Enrique Serrano.

However the latter was not the only secret mission carried out in the previous months to the 9N. Josep Duran Lleida (historical leader of the CiU coalition in Spain´s Congress in Madrid) reveals now a third one.

In an interview published today (March 2nd, 2019) in El Periodico of Catalonia, Duran assures that before N9, Rajoy accepted exploring a political accord which could have later been voted by Catalans as long as the CiU coalition (then in office in Catalonia) committed to endorsing it in Catalonia. However, according to the ex leader of the now extinct "Unió", the person who derailed such an agreement was then president of the "Generalitat" (Catalan government) Artur Mas, who once on top of the pro independence wave alleged he could not ensure such a proposal would be validated by the secessionists at the voting station.

"Before the N9 consultation conversations between Arriola (Spanish government mediator) and Rigol (Catalan government mediator) took place and at a given moment, Rajoy and I spoke about a potential political proposition which would have been subjected to popular vote. With all the common sense, Rajoy asked if such a proposal would be endorsed by us. I replied "of course" and that I would check with Mas (Catalan president). At that moment Mas rejected the poposal, fearing the reaction of the pro independence voters. Rajoy became angry - and I agreed with him - for two reasons: first, because Mas did not wish to endorse anything which could have come out of a negotiated agreement and secondly, because Rajoy found out through the media about the double-question that was going to be submitted to consultation on N9. It was then that Rajoy said 'Enough¡'", reveals Duran during the interview.

This episode is included in 'The Risk of the Truth' (Editorial Planeta), the political memoirs which the veteran Christian Democrat leader published last Tuesday. According to Duran, it was a real attempt to reach a political solution aiming to avoid a train collision, stating; "such failure was far from being of Rajoy's exclusive responsibility," although he criticizes the ex president of the (Spanish) Government for not having later tried again to "reignite dialogue".

Nonetheless this is not the only dart thrown during the interview by Duran against Mas, with whom he never maintained the best of relationships. He blames Mas for having climbed into the bandwagon of the pro independence movement for "lack of political talent" , "getting carried away by mediocre advisors, whose analysis led to the present situation." Duran accuses the same milieu of having "invented" the concept of "right to decide" equating it with the right of self-determination, which, in his opinion, "is reserved for realities that have nothing to do with Catalonia´s"

Regarding the fuze which unleashed the 'procés (pro independence process); the slamming of Rajoy to a tax deal in 2012, Duran holds the view that Mas "went to La Moncloa - presidential palace - with the will to close the door, having done nothing to prevent it from being closed ". However the hardest grudge against 'expresident' Mas is "having delivered Catalonia to the CUP" (ultraleft pro independence coalition); something which "I never, never, never - and I will repeat it over and over again - would have expected from Mas".

On Pujol, Puigdemont, Junqueras …(ex presidents and ex VP of the Catalan government, respectively)

The ex leader "Unió" blames "ERC´s" (center left pro independence party) pressure on Mas's for the latter´s resignation from the presidency of the Generalitat and confesses he was perplexed by Mas´s appointment of Carles Puigdemont, "a person who has always been crazy," as replacement.

In such a settling of accounts, Duran accuses Jordi Pujol - the man who disappointed him by not anointing Duran as successor (for the Catalan presidency), in favor of Mas - to have used his years of government to prepare the Catalans "tacitly" so that they would "carry on assuming the sovereignist creed ", going as far as assuring that "underneath " he has always been pro independence.

Puigdemont (ex Catalan president) and Oriol Junqueras (ex vice-president now under trial) are not free from Duran's scourge either.

Duran accuses the (recent Catalan) expresident of having squandered the "revenue" which could have been obtained from the great mistake committed by the Spanish government on October 1st 2017 (date of the illegal referendum), by having opted for the unilateral route, reminding it was the ERC leader (Junqueras), "who today appears as the kindest person, who actually squeezed Puigdemont so that he would not call elections instead opting for a DUI (UDI, unilateral declation of independence). "

Regarding the present situation, the former Christian Democrat leader applauds (Pedro) Sanchez's (President of Spain) attempt to "deflate the conflict", regretting that he has been played by the separatists at the game of "seven and a half". He reproaches the pro independence leaders who, "by claiming more and more cards," have shown that they simply "don´t want a dialogue."


ESPAÑOL

Duran: "Mas rechazó un pacto con Rajoy que se pudiera votar en Catalunya"


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Sunday, March 03, 2019

Rafa Nadal speaks clearly: "I do not understand a Spain without Catalonia"

EN ES

ENGLISH
Rafa Nadal declares that for Catalonia it is important and positive to stay within Spain. The Balearic tennis player, who is in Mexico, returns to appeal to the good co-existence.

Rafa Nadal has expressed again his opinion about  the Catalan conflict. The Balearic tennis player, who is in Mexico, on the occasion of a tournament in Acapulco, makes his opinion clear when he is outside Spain and they ask him about what is happening in our country. He says that Spain cannot be understood  without Catalonia and that they are not two separate things. He talks about more aspects of his life, in an interview with Milenio, but above all he points out that the only solution for the Catalan conflict is to maintain a good coexistence.

"There are many complicated issues such as Catalonia and the country elections, but the situation has to calm down. Perhaps, not so in the short term, but stability is needed. I think the way to solve the case of the Catalans is coexistence. I have spent many important moments there and, I do not understand a Spain without Catalonia, for which it is important and positive to be inside the country. I do not see two separate things. Catalonia is within Spain and, from that point we will see", declares the Balearian tennis player.

Rafa Nadal is asked about his hobbies outside the tennis courts and his plans for the future: "One of the successes of my career is that I have not only played tennis and I have not missed so many aspects of  childhood  due to this sport.  I have been able to practice disciplines such as golf and football - Real Madrid fan -. I appreciate being with family and enjoying life also outside the courts. I like the cinema and I am passionate about the sea, to dive, to fish and to get along with  friends, even though I travel a lot. In fact now, I have a very complicated agenda, but in the future I will be more here in the academy ".


ESPAÑOL

Rafa Nadal habla claro: "No entiendo una España sin Cataluña"

https://www.elconfidencial.com/deportes/tenis/2019-02-22/rafa-nadal-tenis-espana-cataluna-politica_1843090/
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Thursday, February 21, 2019

We must avoid the uncontrolled fall through the slide of degradation and gain time, so that if the solution is not viable now the door of dialogue would not be closed forever


 There is no solution, only the way out of concluding a deal on the disagreement



Joan Coscubiela (Barcelona, ​​1954) was secretary general of CCOO in Catalonia between 1995 and 2008; he became a national celebrity after his speech at the Parliament of Catalonia on September 7, 2017, when he denounced as spokesman for ‘Catalunya Si Que es Pot’ the performance of the pro-independence parties  (watch and read the speech below in the page).  

He received the standing applause of the members of Parliament of the PSC, the Citizens, the PP and the major part of his own party. He was a member of the Spanish Parliament for ‘Iniciativa per Catalunya’ between 2011 and 2015. He has just published Empantanados (Peninsula), a book that gathers his most recent political experiences in Catalonia.

 

  
We are still stuck, trapped in a huge political quagmire from which we are unable to leave.

The sooner we assume that in the medium term there is no solution to the conflict and we start looking for a way out -which is not the same- the sooner we will begin to emerge from the quagmire.

There is no solution through agreement. The proposal of a non-binding and agreed referendum, under the terms defended by Rubio Llorente, is by now spoiled. No matter how much now, but too late, the pro-independence movement that despised the proposal as a screen already past would try to resuscitate it. The same thing happens to the federal reform of the Constitution, a proposal that never left the federalist coteries. As of today, we are much further from a solution than in September 2017.

For years there have been many who have underestimated the depth of the conflict and the seriousness of its consequences, neglecting the adversary, believing their own deceptions and ignoring reality.

The pro-independence movement, drunk by the success of its mobilizations, came to believe the fiction with which they fed the illusion of its people and kept it against all evidence. They belittled half of the citizens of Catalonia, ignored the strength of the State and generated the fiction of an express and low cost DUI with international recognition. Read now, it sounds like a joke in bad taste, but in the moments of ecstasy just remembering these evidences involved being stoned in the public forum of social networks.

The PP fed, and lived politically from, the conflict with the pro-independence movement, repeatedly denied its strength betting everything to the imminent descent of the "souflé". And when it was overwhelmed, delegated its political responsibilities to the Courts of Justice.

If I remember these events it is not just for the sake of looking back, but because these behaviors weigh like a slab and even today condition the performance of their protagonists.

The pro-independence movement, which has not yet been able to publicly assume the unfeasibility of its project or its serious errors, is discredited, half united only by its solidarity with the prisoners. They continue settled in the mandate of October 1, ignoring that there is no such democratic mandate since it is based on laws, those of September 6 and 7, clearly unconstitutional and illegitimate because they were approved trampling the rights of half of the citizens of Catalonia. Maybe that's the reason why in their story they pay such a little amount of attention on those days, as if they never existed.

In addition, important sectors of the pro-independence movement maintain the flame of unilateralism that, in its new fiction story, awaits the momentum to light again.

On the opposite side, the most holy trinity of the rights, in order to defeat the independence movement, is betting on an exemplary sentence that sometimes appears, in its words, more revenge than Justice. At the same time it continues without presenting any political proposal and boycotts all those presented by other actors.

In this scenario, in which there is no solution, it is urgent to find a way out, if we do not want the conflict to become chronic as well as social and political degradation to increase.

It is not easy, we are immersed in a perfect storm, in which the trial of the independence leaders and the May elections are going together. But we should not throw in the towel for that.

To find a way out, the first thing to do is to reverse the trend, go from escalation to de-escalation of the conflict, a process that even if it doesn’t seem like it has already begun. In the pro-independence world the grandiloquent declarations continue, but in the realm of facts the acts of disobedience are a thing of the past and in their place there is assumption of the constitutional framework.

On the other side, we have a Government of Pedro Sánchez that, with the support of Unidos Podemos and the PNV, has generated a strong discontinuity in relation to Rajoy's executive and has assumed the political risk of seeking a way out.

It seems evident that this will be not possible before the summer. The results of the polls will be decisive, which at this point we do not know yet whether or not they will include those of the general elections. And it will also be very important the sentence issued by the Supreme Court that, between the acquittal and the crime of rebellion, has a lot of legal margin at its disposal.

At this very moment it is not possible, but the way we get to the elections and the way we get out of the polls will be decisive in order to continue with these efforts or to abort them for a long time. That is the reason why the battle of the 2019 Budgets was and is so important and explains the ultramontane reaction of the Spanish right, more terribly Spanish than ever.

Given the impossibility of an agreed solution, the time has come to look for a way out, by concluding a deal on the disagreement.

What does it mean concluding a deal on disagreement? It is what we do every day, even if we are not aware of it, in our personal and professional relationships. It is very common in politics and an example are those tiresome statements of European summits, when they are not able to reach an agreement. In collective bargaining it is common to close a conflict in which agreement is impossible, agreeing on disagreement to leave open the way to dialogue.

No doubt the so-called Catalan conflict is a much more complicated terrain because it has its roots in the swampy territory of identities and feeds on emotions, closer to anger and hatred than to outrage. In this scenario, in which aggressiveness, intolerance and fundamentalism proliferate, it is not easy to mobilize the moderate and sensible segments of each bloc, or the "plagued" equidistant.

Concluding a deal on disagreement is to do with cooling the climate, skirting the underlying conflict, limiting and not exaggerating the field and scope of disagreements, seeking a shared space in the rules of democratic game that we have given to ourselves together. It is about avoiding the uncontrolled fall through the slide of the degradation, of gaining time, so that if the solution is not viable now the door of the dialogue is not closed forever.

I warn the purists, among others those who raised their voices against the figure of the "rapporteur", that concluding a deal on disagreement poses a problem. The outcomes will always be technically imperfect and politically ugly, but they have the beauty of impossible challenges and useful bets.

Concluding a deal on disagreement is not a task that can fall only on the backs of daring politicians, unless we want to fill the cemetery of politics with courageous politicians.

The involvement of the majority is essential. Of the citizens who, with their vote, will decide the way forward in the next elections, whenever they take place. And of the media, professionals, analysts and talk-show guests. If we continue to feed what Jordi Évole, in a brilliant definition, called the fast food of controversies, concluding the deal on disagreement just looking for a way out will be an impossible task.

In the next few hours we will know where we are bound for. The reactionary right moved its chip this weekend and, although it has failed in the mobilization, has managed to block the way to the exit for now. Now, with the voting of the amendments to the totality of the Budgets, it is up to the pro-independence parties to play their cards since they have the opportunity to keep alive the hope of a way out.

I admit that it is not so easy for them; their margin is very narrow because they will have to make a complicated and risky decision in the same week when the trial of their leaders begins with requests for serious prison sentences.

I do not dare to ask them for the courage they demand from others, only to calibrate well the strength and consequences of all their actions, if only they could be learning from the lessons of the fall of 2017. They would face less difficulty if they decide to socialize the political costs of their decisions, just the opposite of what they have always done, litigating between them just to see who will be branded as traitor and Judas.

The independence leaders face the complex challenge of striking a balance between the ethics of their convictions and the ethics of their responsibilities. Both are legitimate, of course, but the dose of each of them used in their decision will result in very important consequences, including keeping the door open to try to find a way out or closing it for a long time.

https://www.eldiario.es/zonacritica/solucion-solo-salida-pactar-desacuerdo_6_866923325.html 


 








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Thursday, February 14, 2019

Relinquishments and bilateralism: the paradigm must be changed

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Teresa Freixes

Fortunately, apparently what has been a matter of concern for a week seems to have disappeared from the political scene, that is, the possibility that a kind of "board of parties", including a mediator, facilitator, rapporteur or official of international relevance, would be shown to the world as a political instrument to solve "the conflict" whose analysis occupies most of our time. I say that this is something fortunate because, if it had been maintained, you would tell me what would have been the international image of a country, in which the institutional channels of the normal and natural political dialogue, the parliaments, could be replaced by others organs outside their legal and constitutional tradition, constituting a partial forum for making agreements, or preparing them. Especially when it came covered with a supposed international position taken by an autonomous government that wanted to be placed on an equal footing with the Government of the nation. And this happens precisely on the eve of the beginning of the trial of the political leaders of what has been called "el procés".

This bilateralism, deviant or improper because it does not fit within the precise channels of bilateral relations between central and regional bodies, - which, in federal or strongly decentralized states, must necessarily be accompanied by multilateral cooperation bodies as ordinary instruments of decision-making -, was occupying an excessive space in the relations between, we would say, Spain and Catalonia. The space was excessive because bilateralism cannot condition multilateral collaboration, which is what truly unites, by federalizing, all political bodies and institutions. It is something similar to what happens in the European Union, where the common decision-making spaces, which are the most relevant, co-exist with other bilateral spaces or with one or more of the Member States, always keeping in mind that it is in these common institutions such as the Parliament, the Commission or the Council, where all the Member States are present, where sit the ones who, in the last instance, play a leading role in the decisions that are made, in accordance with established procedures.

If the rapporteur or the board of parties had been maintained, tell me what would have happened to the image of Spain.

Why was there, here in Spain, a process of consolidation of a bilateralism not fitting in the design that the constitutional order had prefigured? The problem comes from afar. It is not a novelty. And it derives from a political drama that began to be represented when, too soon, the principles of consensus and the broad agreement that had marked the transition to democracy and the first years of its implementation began to be abandoned. The problem, which, I repeat, comes from afar, is reflected in the fact that, due to the practice that has been consolidated, it gives the impression that the big parties have not believed in the State.

It is possible that they did not believe in it because just when it was most necessary for democratic principles and practices to be strengthened, to build a complex State, far from what during the dictatorship had been a constant, the parties were not aware that it was necessary to reinforce the foundations of this new building, based on the rule of law, democracy and human rights. They were not aware of this and, when they did not have absolute majorities (sometimes even having them) and needed a few votes to achieve an investiture, approve budgets or adopt certain policies that should have been "State", in the absence of that solid consensus on general principles, they have dedicated themselves to buying the missing votes to the peripheral nationalisms. And, of course, that price has been amply paid. Not because the nationalists were nationalists, but because a large part of that nationalism has evolved towards postulates clearly contrary to the constitutional order. Even so, even noticing that part of the nationalism was looking hard for the blowing up of the State, the short-term tactic of agreement with that nationalism, clearly secessionist in certain cases, continues to be applied, reinforcing that improper bilateralism which is producing such disastrous outcomes.

Why is that bilateralism created? Because, apparently, the great parties of Spain have not yet believed the State.

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The relinquishments, or concessions, by means of the bilateral method,pollute, in addition, the national panorama. They break with the constitutional and legal model, skirting the general instruments of cooperation. They intend to facilitate that the agreement with such or such autonomous community could condition what the rest have to do, be it in financing, in education, in any public policy, obviating that what is decided would have to contain, necessarily, respect and adequacy to the general bases. Hence, it is necessary to oppose the consolidation of this "technique" that leads to nowhere, as we have just confirmed, except to the pollution of positions.

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It is clear that political dialogue is necessary, since this is the essence of democracy. Within the law, since this cannot be otherwise in the Rule of Law. And with all due respect to the human rights of all people, without excluding anyone for not sharing certain political creeds. This entails retaking concepts that helped us to begin to build the democratic state in the 1978 Constitution and that it is necessary to recover to redirect the problems we now have. Non-discriminatory dialogue, but within the constitutional framework. Dialogue which does not only recognize the representatives of secessionism and its allies as its subject, but also includes the opposition, as is the case with democracies. A dialogue which is carried out within the strictest respect for the functioning of institutions, which cannot be exploited or reduced to nothingness because it suits the interests of any parliamentary majority.

It is evident that political dialogue is needed, it is the essence of democracy, but within the legality.

Only when agreements are reached constructively, within institutional channels and respecting the rights of all people, such agreements cease to be seen as inadequate "relinquishments". If these indicators fail, these "relinquishments" appear to the public as something spurious and generate distrust. We are still in time to recompose that constitutional framework that is in danger. It is still possible that we recover that democratic "tone" that is being lost. We need to do it and, if we leave aside short-termism, the improper bilateralism and biased interests, little by little we will be able to redirect the situation. We must dedicate our energy to it.




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Monday, February 11, 2019

After the trial, negotiation - To leave the Catalan labyrinth, the only way offered by democratic politics is to debate to transact. Advancing in stages will be more useful than aiming for a fulminating arrival

 

 Josep M. Vallès is Professor Emeritus of Political Science (UAB).
 


The frustrated attempt to establish a space for dialogue between the State Governments and the Catalan Generalitat demonstrates the enormous difficulty of overcoming the current deadlock. Within a few days the oral trial begins in the process against the political and social leaders of the independence movement. After its conclusion and whatever its outcome, the conflict that has caused it will remain pending solution. After the publication of the sentence, it will be verified that judicializing the issue was one of the three wrongful departures that have tried to be given to the matter. The others were the doing nothing and the unilateral declaration of independence.

You have to think, therefore, in the day after, when it is verified that things continue in the substantial as they are today, although they are removed from the scene some - not all - of the people who have played a notable role in this issue. We will continue without having an immediate and prefabricated exit. It is motivated, among other things, by the contrasting dynamics that animate public opinion in Spain and Catalonia. A large majority of the opinion in Catalonia - including a notable non-independentist contingent - aspires to an increase in the political capacity of its Government. On the other hand, the majority of Spanish public opinion is inclined to reduce the current degree of territorial self-government or to limit it to the current model.

A significant sample of this contrast has been revealed in the recent and striking declaration of the Regional Parliament of Extremadura as a probable reflection of the opinion of its citizens. According to recent data from the CIS (Survey 3.234, December 2018), 13% of Extremadura are in favor of increasing self-government, while it is 60% of Catalans. In the opposite pole, 30% are inclined in Extremadura to suppress the autonomous communities or recentralize the State, an option that only convinces 14% of Catalans. For the conservation of the current situation, 42% of Extremadura and 23% of Catalans are pronounced. Without pretension of accuracy in the figures, the marked trends are very clear. Positions similar to Extremadura and even more pronounced occur in almost all autonomous communities where there is a minority demand to increase self-government and the tendency to decrease it or, in any case, to comply with the currently available.

This disparity of tendencies between the Catalan opinion - shared only with the Basque Country and Navarra - and the other communities has been maintained for some time. Its persistence is the cause and signal of the complexity of the issue at hand. For this reason, solutions as simple as preserving - whether judicially, governmentally or militarily - the substance of the current status quo or attempting to alter it in a radical manner unilaterally will hardly succeed. What is left to politics as a way out?

A large majority of the opinion in Catalonia aspires to an increase in the political capacity of its Government.

In a democratic context, politics must embark on the long and complicated negotiation path in order to reach a compromise. It is the way that aspires to commitment. The democratic way is not the "all or nothing", "white or black", "yes or yes". It is made of mutual concessions. The defeat without palliative of the adversary is not proposed, nor does it demand its unconditional surrender. Because, among other reasons, it is supposed to continue living with him.

However, the negotiation path is not going to come easy or quickly because the starting situation is notably deteriorated. And when it starts, it must also adjust to some conditions. It will demand patience and endurance because it will take a long journey. For this reason, it will be advisable to approach it as a step by step, adopting a gradualist perspective.

Moving forward in stages will be more useful than aiming for a fulminating arrival to a result. In some of these stages, it will be necessary to have recourse to a referendum or consultation agreed on the agreed conditions: without a direct popular revalidation, it will be very difficult to ensure a solid application of the agreement. Finally, this long march will have to be headed hand in hand by the Governments of the State and the Catalan Government. Because the territorial problem has always sounded in Spain - and continues to sound - with a strong Catalan accent, clearly perceptible unless there is intense political deafness. This does not mean that there must also be moments of multilateralism, because there are other actors with legitimated interests to intervene. But without pretending that submerging the "Catalan question" in a general treatment, the appropriate response to the problem can be found more easily.

Without a direct popular revalidation, it will be very difficult to ensure a solid application of any agreement.
 

Are fellow travelers on this negotiation path? I think not. We just saw it. As far as Catalonia is concerned, it is essential to build a position shared by a large majority. Although at first sight it does not look like it, there are indications that there are elements to be developed in the medium term, overcoming factional interests or personalist concerns. On the part of the State, the Government of President Sánchez voluntarily tries to approach the negotiation route. But his precarious position prevents him from taking more decisive steps, subject as he is to the relentless harassment of frontal adversaries and alleged friends. The media climate and the interests that this climate reflects are particularly hostile to him when it comes to the problem in question.

The conclusion is that the journey towards an effective negotiation does not yet have the basic conditions to start it with some chances of success. We must add to the current difficulties those that will represent the trial that awaits us or the uncertain outcome of future electoral calls. However, despite all the problems that arise, negotiation seems the only viable alternative for the political system to manage without collapsing a problem of this magnitude. Negotiation within the law, certainly. But with an interpretation of the law so generous and imaginative at least, like the one that allowed Andalusia to accede to autonomy via Article 151 without fulfilling its requirements or the one that confers in practice to Navarre a quasi-confederal relationship with the State .

And while this negotiation does not come, an effort of self-containment in language would be very useful, shunning not only the direct injury to the dissenting or the ironic disqualification of their arguments, but also the neglect of their reasons and motivations as if the mere fact of ignoring them I could make them disappear. It is a responsibility of political leaders, communication professionals and all citizens who honestly want to get out of the current labyrinth by the only route offered by democratic politics: negotiate to transact.

This route will have to resort, later than desirable, when we check after the future ruling of the Supreme Court that the problem is still there, claiming a way out more complex than the wrong solutions of criminal law or unilateral adventurism.


https://elpais.com/elpais/2019/02/06/opinion/1549471702_318099.html


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