Republic without fraternity

Republic without fraternity

Many of us could not and cannot get on an artifact that divides rather than unite civilly, which makes impossible the debate on reforms undoubtedly necessary both in Catalonia and Spain


Josep Maria Fradera

20 MAR 2019 - 00:00 CET


The most intriguing concept of the French revolutionary triad is undoubtedly that of fraternité. Concept used profusely during the Great Revolution, its consolidation as part of the revolutionary emblem was not achieved until the revolution of 1848 that liquidated the monarchy of Louis Philippe of Orleans. It was in that brief experience when the canonical currency of freedom, equality and fraternity was definitively established. Certainly, the consecration of the first two concepts never caused great ideological complications among the republican factions. In the criticism of the nobility monarchy and the Church, freedom and equality were ideological pieces whose legitimating function offered few doubts. Fraternity was something else, starting with its very presence in the culture of sensibility at the end of the Enlightenment. With the affirmation of workers and socialist societies in nineteenth-century France, the concept of equality reached for obvious reasons a dimension only hinted at during the events that took place between the taking of the Bastille in July 1789 and the 18th Brumaire of the year VIII (November 1799).

The triple motto covered old achievements and established new promises of greater social and cultural depth

If the very notion of fraternity was incarnated in such an erratic way in the French revolutionary dynamic, it is due, as we indicated, to its origin and diffuse meaning. As Marcel David explained in a book devoted entirely to the word and concept, the revolutionaries of 1789 tried to give a life according to the times to the old idea of natural law and Christian iusnaturalist law and its logical corollary, which referred to the idea of common benefit. It is understandable that some of the revolutionaries most sensitive to the problems of a broad consolidation of the revolution, such as Jacques Pierre Brissot, leader of one of the Girondist factions who ended up in the guillotine, a politician with a close relationship with the abolitionist Quakers of Pennsylvania, were very receptive to a concept of that style. Anyway, the radicalization of the revolutionary process put aside those differences for more than half a century. Revolutionary war and the elimination of the adversary, a dynamic reminiscent of similar experiences in the 20th century, closed that stage until the change of regime in February 1848 placed the idea of the emancipation of slaves on the table again, the working population and women. In short, of those who had been excluded from voting and political representation in earlier stages. The triple motto of the revolution embraced old achievements and established new promises of greater social and cultural depth. In that context, the fraternity was called to endure in close association with the French republican idea, to powerfully influence experiences inspired by it, including contemporary Spain.

It is to be powerfully noticed the absence of the idea of fraternity within the common ideological and cultural substrate of the imagined republic to which an important part of Catalan politics aspires, as well as its passionate and numerous followers. Being like a late formulation of a century-old political tradition, a tradition that had succeeded in merging elements of the old and new Catholic tradition, a discreet mesocratic ethnocentrism, a dose of republicanism prior to the Civil War and a justified claim of language and culture after 40 years of intolerable crushing, the recent nationalist radicalism has modified the elements of that synthesis. In effect, the idea of a republic offered not long ago to legitimize a different cocktail, neither of the right nor of the left, neither trade union nor employer, nor xenophobic nor solidary, but quite the opposite, with the result of a complete disorientation of supporters and adversaries. In short: substantially altering the culture that underlies any political movement. As this alchemy is not included in the political programs that the parties exhibit, the definition of instrumental independence, as it was also the case before the word separatism, makes it even more difficult to describe what was happening. Added to this confusion is the impossibility of defining the ideological nature of populist movements in the past and now in vogue, for which the usual definitions do not work.

It is striking that the biggest event in recent Catalonia has become less important

Digging under appearances, the imagined republic of the last stage presents a notorious absence of the idea of fraternity. In at least two main meanings, without which the rest is hardly identifiable with a mature republican experience. Two facets of these meanings are obvious. After a trajectory that claims without truce a historical foundation that goes back always until the war of Succession, it is striking that the biggest event of recent Catalonia discreetly becomes secondary in these tragic avatars. I am referring to the arrival between the years 1960 and 1970 of an unprecedented wave of emigrants from other peninsular regions. The decisive work force for the disorderly growth of the economy and the Catalan society of that time is a fact of the greatest relevance since it constitutes the community fabric on which grew the fight against the dictatorship and the re-founding of trade unionism in a society of deep-rooted traditions of social struggle. The one and the other were inextricably fused in the life experience of several generations of Catalans who learned effective solidarity - that is, fraternity - in those ties, without renouncing their own language and culture.

Replacing this lesson with a hollow appeal to the integration of the outsider, be it Spanish, Latin American or Maghrebi, demeans a legacy that should not lead to condescension but to distinguish between the obviously perfectible political system and the Spanish society as such.

The second shortage refers to even more recent events, those that are enclosed in the word procés. Its leaders know well that they have never enjoyed the social majority. At this point, it does not matter the percentage of votes or the mobilization capacity that, driven from above with the acquiescence of a blind left, they could have achieved. What matters is the silencing of the other half, of people with diverse ideas, people incapable of responding to a challenge that is based on the exclusion of others. In short: an inverse operation to the moral meaning of anti-Francoism and the imperative of reconciliation that gave it moral impulse and superiority over a civil-war regime until the end.

Fraternity (and loyalty, which is one of its components) must emerge from the entire political body and not only from Catalan society, it also appeals to the rest. Meanwhile, a republic without fraternity is an empty shell, an artifact that divides rather than unites civilly, thus precluding the debate on reforms undoubtedly necessary in Catalonia and Spain. For this and not for reasons of opportunity many could not or cannot get on a ship that leads to shipwreck.https://elpais.com/elpais/2019/03/19/opinion/1553013558_654471.html

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Professor Wind before Puigdemont: "Is democracy just voting or also respecting the law?"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u7aHlQXQikc

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On 4 October 2017, Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the EC in charge of Better Regulation, Inter-Institutional Relations, the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights introduced the debate at the European Parliament, on the Constitution, rule of law and fundamental rights in Spain in the light of the events of Catalonia.

https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-144694








TEXT

On 4 October 2017, Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the EC in charge of Better Regulation, Inter-Institutional Relations, the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights introduced the debate at the European Parliament, on the Constitution, rule of law and fundamental rights in Spain in the light of the events of Catalonia.

Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the EC in charge of Better Regulation, Inter-Institutional Relations, the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights (in ENGLISH) introducing the debate on the Constitution, rule of law and fundamental rights in Spain in the light of the events of Catalonia - in Europe, after the Second World War, and after the end of dictatorship in Spain, Portugal and Greece and again, after the fall of the Berlin wall, we have shaped our democratic societies based on three principles : democracy, respect for the Rule of Law and Human rights, the three need each other, they cannot exclude each other, you cannot use one against the others, if you remove one pillar, then the others will fall too, respect for the Rule of law is not optional, it is fundamental; if the law does not give you what you want, you can oppose the law, you can work to change the law, but you cannot ignore the law; so this fundamental that the constitutions of everyone of our Member States are upheld and respected, so this is the basis for our debate today, in that debate we should be guided by the values set out in Article 2 of the Treatees, values that are common to Member States and citizens, and on whoch our Union is founded.

As Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the EC, in his last State of the Union: "Our European Union is not a State but it is a community of law, we must never loose sight of this"; there is general consensus that the Regional government of Catalonia has chosen to ignore the law when organising the referendum held last Sunday (1st October 2017), the Spanish Constitution Tribunal having suspended the Catalan laws on the organisation of the referendum and issued daily penalties against those who went against its orders, that is not changing the fact that we have all seen saddening images from Sunday, let me be clear, violence does not solve anything in politics, it is never an answer, never a solution, and it can never be used as a weapon or instrument; Europe knows that better that anywhere else, none of us want to see violence in our societies, however it is off course a duty for any government to uphold the rule of law, and this sometimes does require the proportionate use of force, we understand that people wanted to express their views, freedom of expression is a fundamental right for all European citizens, and thus for all Spanish citizens; one opinion is not more valuable than another opinion only because it is expressed more loudly [applause].

As the Commission has stated, under the Spanish constitution, Sunday's vote in Catalonia was not legal, looking ahead, it is clear that an agreed way forward is needed in Spain, for the European Commission, as Jean-Claude Juncker has reiterated repeatedly, this is an internal matter for Spain, that has to be dealt with in line with the constitutional order of Spain, that is why the European Commission has called on all relevant actors to now move quickly from confrontation to dialogue, the power of dialogue, of sitting down and talking to each other even if and especially when we passionately disagree is what our union is built on, all lines of communication must stay open, it is time to talk, to find a way out of the impass, working within the constitutional order of Spain, at the end of the day, the real answers can only come from all those concerned, those directly concerned are all 46 million Europeans who are Spanish citizens, those indirectly concerned are all Europeans who are citizens of all other Member States.

Jean-Claude Juncker is in touch with Mariano Rajoy, Spanish Prime Minister who will trustly ensure that the situation is resolved in a spirit of dialogue and in full respect of the Spanish Constitution and of fundamental rights of citizens, this must be the goal for all of us; allow me to stress that the development of Spain, since the Spanish people liberated themselves from dictatorship, is one of the greatest success stories Europe has seen in its history [Applause]; in less than my life time Spain was transformed from a nation under a boot of a dictator into a nation that leads globally in a great manieries, where every citizen has full right, protected by the rule of law, where culture flourishes and the economy grows, this is the all inspiring achievements of all Spanians, including Catalans; this would not have been possible, without full respect for the rule of law, respect for the separation of powers, respect for the ruling of judges; let me add, nowhere is the attachment for the rule of law stronger than in those nations where there are memories of what it means to be deprived of it; all this was achieved through hard work, commitment, dialogue and respect for diversity, please let that inspire all of us, to leave the path of confrontation and follow the road of cooperation and dialogue to solve the situation. Thank you very much.

Members of the European Parliament applauding

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Guy Verhofstadt 04 Oct 2017 plenary speech on events in Catalonia

https://youtu.be/EG-qnrlVQSQ

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What have Britain and Catalonia got in common? Delusions of independence

Manuel Valls
 
 • Manuel Valls is a Barcelona mayoral candidate and a former prime minister of France

In an increasingly connected world, separatism leads to loss of sovereignty and control, and pain for citizens

 ‘At the Mobile World Congress in Barcelona, this year’s theme was intelligent connectivity.’ Photograph: Josep Lago/AFP/Getty Images


Since Adam Smith and the birth of modern economics, we have learned that barriers are harmful to society. They have a negative impact on companies, deterring competition and limiting us all. The rationale is quite clear: companies, as well as people, need to breath and thrive in larger economic and legal systems where harmonisation and sharing is required.

Last week, Barcelona – the city I hope to become mayor of – hosted the Mobile World Congress (MWC), the biggest industry trade show and a symbol of innovation, globalisation and progress. This year’s theme was intelligent connectivity. Both the separatist movement in Catalonia and Brexit represent the opposite of this – turning their back on this new world of connections and exchange, a world that welcomes the fourth industrial revolution, which will connect us faster, wider and better than ever before. A new world where people, organisations and things will be part of a global liquid society and market with fewer borders and constraints.

Division and exclusion are bad for business and people. After half a century of successful globalisation – measured from any parameter – these counter-movements are pushing for an agenda of separation and nationalism. Brexit and the possible independence of Catalonia from the rest of Spain are different issues, but both share common ground and create worries for the future. It is the latter, however, that would be most serious, for the simple reason that the economic, social and legal ties between Catalonia and the rest of Spain are much stronger and intense than the ones connecting the UK to the European Union.  

 
Pro-independence Catalan flags are waved during a protest against Spanish king Felipe VI’s visit to the Mobile World Congress on 24 February. Photograph: Josep Lago/AFP/Getty Images

It’s no coincidence that approximately half of the exports of the UK and Catalonia are sold to the rest of the EU or Spain respectively. It’s not simply explained by geography either – it is the legal and economic structures of which they are a part. Creating new barriers would damage both economies, the British and the Catalan. Sharing is not only caring: it has always been good for business and individuals. Barriers, either in the form of different regulations, tariffs, judicial systems or banking norms, will always limit our freedom and our choices, and may create higher costs. Brexit or the independence of Catalonia would be lose-lose for all involved, as two jurisdictions compete for taxpayers. In this game, the UK and Catalonia would face tough odds and would stand to lose a lot. As we are seeing in Catalonia, and as happened in Quebec, companies will move and pay taxes in their biggest markets. With them, hundreds of thousands of professionals will also move. The bigger markets, in these cases, are clearly Spain and the EU.

We live in a world of interdependence, connections and solidarity. Political power is multilayered and has far more advantages than disadvantages because it brings a complete system of check and balances and external controls, while also providing companies and individuals a wider space for developing commercially and personally. As Professor Paul De Grauwe of the LSE has explained, in today’s interconnected economies and societies, a formal independence is the opposite of gaining real sovereignty and control. This is because the excluded party would be absent from the table when decisions are made, unable to participate as choices are taken that, sooner or later, will affect them.

The European Union and Spain, particularly, represent successful stories of coexistence, involvement and synergies. Any political decision based on exclusion, lack of solidarity or a false sense of self-governance will only create economic depression and barriers for its citizens. Spain, Europe and the world itself face serious challenges in the coming years. The challenge to build a better world for all of us: a better environment, a better social structure, more opportunities for everyone, a more transparent and yet demanding tax system that really benefits society. That is what I would hope to do as mayor of Barcelona, by building co-operation between the public and private sector, by welcoming entrepreneurs and companies from all over the world to make our great city their home.

 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/mar/07/brexit-catalonia-brexit-independence-leads-to-loss-of-sovereignty

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The three women who fight nationalism in Europe

The MEPs have led some of the most successful initiatives at European Community level with the aim of countering the story of the Generalitat and Diplocat in Brussels



The three women who fight nationalism in Europe: Maite Pagazaurtundúa, Beatriz Becerra and Teresa Giménez Barbat / CG

Laura Fàbregas

08.03.2019 00:00 h.

The battle in Brussels against Catalan nationalism is fought mainly by three women. These are Liberal MEPs Maite Pagazaurtundúa, Teresa Giménez Barbat and Beatriz Becerra.

The objective of the successive governments of the Generalitat has been to internationalize the so-called pro-independence procés to try to force a mediation of the international community between the State and the Catalan Administration. Through bodies such as the Diplocat and the opening of delegations abroad they have been creating their own nationalist diplomacy without almost finding Spanish interlocution in Europe to confront their nationalist story.

In recent years, however, with the increase of political tension, constitutionalist forces have been organized to counter propaganda. This is how initiatives such as Forum of Professors in the academic field have been born. In the parliamentary area, three of the figures fighting the most with their work nationalism are these three MEPs.

Pagazaurtundúa: "It was necessary to refute the lies"

Maite Pagazaurtundúa explains that upoon their arrival in Brussels they were "discovering that it was very necessary to do a job defending the reputation of democratic Spain" as well as "refuting the lies of the nationalists".

For this they had to "weave complicities with MEPs from different groups". She regrets, however, that the successive Spanish governments have not had "a systematic strategy" or "effective" to combat it.

This MEP worked on a report on the nature of the self-proclaimed defense committees of the republic (CDR) and insisted that these groups violate the rights enshrined in Articles 1, 13, 16 and 23 of the Constitution and Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union on the defense of the rule of law and respect for minorities: "These values are common to the Member States in a society characterized by pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men", the report said.

Another of the analyzes presented by her to the international community, entitled “The violation of children's rights and attacks on diversity in the classroom”, exposed some cases of school indoctrination and the refusal of Catalan institutions to educate in the mother tongue of the Spanish-speaking students.

Barbat: “Logramos convencer a los eurodiputados”
Teresa Giménez Barbat admite que “hasta ahora nadie se había tomado en serio la necesidad de elaborar un contrarrelato” que, por una parte, “desmintiera, punto por punto, la propaganda que los nacionalistas han ido inoculando en las instituciones europeas” y, por el otro, pusiera en “valor la democracia española; sin falsos triunfalismos, pero también sin complejos”.
Se sincera al explicar que “los nacionalistas llevan ventaja”, pero que lograron “convencer a los eurodiputados” con el “fruto” de su trabajo. Y es que la eurodiputada catalana y su equipo han tirado adelante el think tank Euromind para que Europa se dote de argumentos humanistas, científicos y racionales para atajar la amenaza y el auge del populismo. Por él han pasado científicos de la talla de Steven Pinker, el economista e historiador Gabriel Tortella o la historiadora Elvira Roca para desmentir la España de la leyenda negra.

Barbat: "We managed to convince the MEPs"

Teresa Giménez Barbat admits that "until now no one had taken seriously the need to elaborate a counter-report" that, on the one hand, "denied, point by point, the propaganda that the nationalists have been inoculating in the European institutions" and, on the other, put "in value Spanish democracy; without false triumphs, but also without complexes".

She is sincere when explaining that "the nationalists have an advantage", but that they managed to "convince the MEPs" with the "fruit" of their work: this Catalan MEP and her team have promoted the the Euromind think tank so that Europe could profit from humanistic, scientific and rational arguments to tackle the threat and the rise of populisms. This think tank has welcome scientists such as Steven Pinker, economist and historian Gabriel Tortella or historian Elvira Roca to deny the Spain of the black legend.

Along the same lines, this week they asked the Commission about the arrival of Carles Puigdemont in Parliament and about the information that the Government contracted with T-Systems services linked to the procés. They have also sent a request for explanations to the MEP Catherine Bearder who authorized the exhibition that led to Puigdemont sneaking into the European Parliament, and a letter to the bureau in reference to this same episode.

Becerra: "Europe endorsed the constitutionalist cause"

The MEP Beatriz Becerra was the one who, during the days of the illegal referendum of October 1, 2017, wrote to the president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, asking him for a communication. The Italian’s response that "any attack on the Constitution of a Member State is an attack on the legal framework of the Union" became one of the most important statements from the European Union against the secessionist plan. "I think I got the strongest answer that has been available so far. Thus, Europe took up the constitutionalist cause", Becerra adds.

This MEP from the ranks of UPyD was also the protagonist of a video that had a lot of impact on social networks in which she came to rebut the coach Josep Guardiola on the so-called "right to decide". "Making politics is also explaining reality and denying the hoaxes and disinformation of the secessionists," she says.
Her next objective - she explains - is that Europe does not end up financing the "shady businesses of Puigdemont nor his crypto-republic" by way of the lobby CatGlobal that the Catalan escaped former president tried to register in Brussels.

https://cronicaglobal.elespanol.com/politica/tres-mujeres-combaten-nacionalismo-europa_227856_102.html

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For European renewal: Citizens of Europe - Emmanuel Macron

Citizens of Europe,

If I am taking the liberty of addressing you directly, it is not only in the name of the history and values that unite us. It is because time is of the essence. In a few weeks’ time, the European elections will be decisive for the future of our continent.

Never, since the Second World War, has Europe been as essential. Yet never has Europe been in so much danger.

Brexit stands as the symbol of that. It symbolises the crisis of Europe, which has failed to respond to its peoples’ needs for protection from the major shocks of the modern world. It also symbolises the European trap. The trap is not being part of the European Union. The trap is in the lie and the irresponsibility that can destroy it. Who told the British people the truth about their post-Brexit future? Who spoke to them about losing access to the European market? Who mentioned the risks to peace in Ireland of restoring the former border? Nationalist retrenchment offers nothing; it is rejection without an alternative. And this trap threatens the whole of Europe: the anger mongers, backed by fake news, promise anything and everything.

We have to stand firm, proud and lucid, in the face of this manipulation and say first of all what Europe is. It is a historic success: the reconciliation of a devastated continent in an unprecedented project of peace, prosperity and freedom. We should never forget that. And this project continues to protect us today. What country can act on its own in the face of aggressive strategies by the major powers? Who can claim to be sovereign, on their own, in the face of the digital giants? How would we resist the crises of financial capitalism without the euro, which is a force for the entire European Union? Europe is also those thousands of projects daily that have changed the face of our regions: the school refurbished, the road built, and the long-awaited arrival of high-speed Internet access. This struggle is a daily commitment, because Europe, like peace, can never be taken for granted. I tirelessly pursue it in the name of France to take Europe forward and defend its model. We have shown that what we were told was unattainable, the creation of a European defence capability and the protection of social rights, was in fact possible.

Yet we need to do more and sooner, because there is the other trap: the trap of the status quo and resignation. Faced with the major crises in the world, citizens so often ask us, “Where is Europe? What is Europe doing?” It has become a soulless market in their eyes. Yet Europe is not just a market. It is a project. A market is useful, but it should not detract from the need for borders that protect and values that unite. The nationalists are misguided when they claim to defend our identity by withdrawing from Europe, because it is the European civilisation that unites, frees and protects us. But those who would change nothing are also misguided, because they deny the fears felt by our peoples, the doubts that undermine our democracies. We are at a pivotal moment for our continent, a moment when together we need to politically and culturally reinvent the shape of our civilisation in a changing world. It is the moment for European renewal. Hence, resisting the temptation of isolation and divisions, I propose we build this renewal together around three ambitions: freedom, protection and progress.


Defend our freedom

The European model is based on the freedom of man and the diversity of opinions and creation. Our first freedom is democratic freedom: the freedom to choose our leaders as foreign powers seek to influence our vote at each election. I propose creating a European Agency for the Protection of Democracies, which will provide each Member State with European experts to protect their election process against cyber attacks and manipulation. In this same spirit of independence, we should also ban the funding of European political parties by foreign powers. We should have European rules banish all incitements to hate and violence from the Internet, since respect for the individual is the bedrock of our civilisation of dignity.


Protect our continent

Founded on internal reconciliation, the European Union has forgotten to look at the realities of the world. Yet no community can create a sense of belonging if it does not have bounds that it protects. The boundary is freedom in security. We therefore need to rethink the Schengen area: all those who want to be part of it should comply with obligations of responsibility (stringent border controls) and solidarity (one asylum policy with the same acceptance and refusal rules). We will need a common border force and a European asylum office, strict control obligations and European solidarity to which each country will contribute under the authority of a European Council for Internal Security. On the issue of migration, I believe in a Europe that protects both its values and its borders.

The same standards should apply to defence. Substantial progress has been made in the last two years, but we need to set a clear course: a treaty on defence and security should define our fundamental obligations in association with NATO and our European allies: increased defence spending, a truly operational mutual defence clause, and the European Security Council with the United Kingdom on board to prepare our collective decisions.

Our borders also need to guarantee fair competition. What power in the world would accept continued trade with those who respect none of their rules? We cannot suffer in silence. We need to reform our competition policy and reshape our trade policy with penalties or a ban in Europe on businesses that compromise our strategic interests and fundamental values such as environmental standards, data protection and fair payment of taxes; and the adoption of European preference in strategic industries and our public procurement, as our American and Chinese competitors do.


Recover the spirit of progress

Europe is not a second-rank power. Europe in its entirety is a vanguard: it has always defined the standards of progress. In this, it needs to drive forward a project of convergence rather than competition: Europe, where social security was created, needs to introduce a social shield for all workers, east to west and north to south, guaranteeing the same pay in the same workplace, and a minimum European wage appropriate to each country and discussed collectively every year.

Getting back on track with progress also concerns spearheading the ecological cause. Will we be able to look our children in the eye if we do not also clear our climate debt? The European Union needs to set its target – zero carbon by 2050 and pesticides halved by 2025 – and adapt its policies accordingly with such measures as a European Climate Bank to finance the ecological transition, a European food safety force to improve our food controls and, to counter the lobby threat, independent scientific assessment of substances hazardous to the environment and health. This imperative needs to guide all our action: from the Central Bank to the European Commission, from the European budget to the Investment Plan for Europe, all our institutions need to have the climate as their mandate.

Progress and freedom are about being able to live from your work: Europe needs to look ahead to create jobs. This is why it needs not only to regulate the digital giants by putting in place European supervision of the major platforms (prompt penalties for unfair competition, transparent algorithms, etc.), but also to finance innovation by giving the new European Innovation Council a budget on a par with the United States in order to spearhead new technological breakthroughs such as artificial intelligence.

A world-oriented Europe needs to look towards Africa, with which we should enter into a covenant for the future, taking the same road and ambitiously and non-defensively supporting African development with such measures as investment, academic partnerships and education for girls.



Freedom, protection and progress. We need to build European renewal on these pillars. We cannot let nationalists without solutions exploit the people’s anger. We cannot sleepwalk through a diminished Europe. We cannot become ensconced in business as usual and wishful thinking. European humanism demands action. And everywhere, the people are standing up to be part of that change. So by the end of the year, let’s set up, with the representatives of the European institutions and the Member States, a Conference for Europe in order to propose all the changes our political project needs, with an open mind, even to amending the treaties. This conference will need to engage with citizens’ panels and hear academics, business and labour representatives, and religious and spiritual leaders. It will define a roadmap for the European Union that translates these key priorities into concrete actions. There will be disagreement, but is it better to have a static Europe or a Europe that advances, sometimes at different paces, and that is open to all?

In this Europe, the peoples will really take back control of their future. In this Europe, the United Kingdom, I am sure, will find its true place.

Citizens of Europe, the Brexit impasse is a lesson for us all. We need to escape this trap and make the upcoming elections and our project meaningful. It is for you to decide whether Europe and the values of progress that it embodies are to be more than just a passing episode in history. This is the choice I propose: to chart together the road to European renewal.

Emmanuel Macron

FRANÇAIS

Citoyens d’Europe,

Si je prends la liberté de m’adresser directement à vous, ce n’est pas seulement au nom de l’histoire et des valeurs qui nous rassemblent. C’est parce qu’il y a urgence. Dans quelques semaines, les élections européennes seront décisives pour l’avenir de notre continent.

Jamais depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Europe n’a été aussi nécessaire. Et pourtant, jamais l’Europe n’a été autant en danger.

Le Brexit en est le symbole. Symbole de la crise de l’Europe, qui n’a pas su répondre aux besoins de protection des peuples face aux grands chocs du monde contemporain. Symbole, aussi, du piège européen. Le piège n’est pas l’appartenance à l’Union européenne ; ce sont le mensonge et l’irresponsabilité qui peuvent la détruire. Qui a dit aux Britanniques la vérité sur leur avenir après le Brexit ? Qui leur a parlé de perdre l’accès au marché européen ? Qui a évoqué les risques pour la paix en Irlande en revenant à la frontière du passé ? Le repli nationaliste ne propose rien ; c’est un rejet sans projet. Et ce piège menace toute l’Europe : les exploiteurs de colère, soutenus par les fausses informations, promettent tout et son contraire.

Face à ces manipulations, nous devons tenir debout. Fiers et lucides. Dire d’abord ce qu’est l’Europe. C’est un succès historique : la réconciliation d’un continent dévasté, dans un projet inédit de paix, de prospérité et de liberté. Ne l’oublions jamais. Et ce projet continue à nous protéger aujourd’hui : quel pays peut agir seul face aux stratégies agressives de grandes puissances ? Qui peut prétendre être souverain, seul, face aux géants du numérique ? Comment résisterions-nous aux crises du capitalisme financier sans l’euro, qui est une force pour toute l’Union ? L’Europe, ce sont aussi ces milliers de projets du quotidien qui ont changé le visage de nos territoires, ce lycée rénové, cette route construite, l’accès rapide à Internet qui arrive, enfin. Ce combat est un engagement de chaque jour, car l’Europe comme la paix ne sont jamais acquises. Au nom de la France, je le mène sans relâche pour faire progresser l’Europe et défendre son modèle. Nous avons montré que ce qu’on nous disait inaccessible, la création d’une défense européenne ou la protection des droits sociaux, était possible.

Mais il faut faire plus, plus vite. Car il y a l’autre piège, celui du statu quo et de la résignation. Face aux grands chocs du monde, les citoyens nous disent bien souvent : « Où est l’Europe ? Que fait l’Europe ? ». Elle est devenue à leurs yeux un marché sans âme. Or l’Europe n’est pas qu’un marché, elle est un projet. Un marché est utile, mais il ne doit pas faire oublier la nécessité de frontières qui protègent et de valeurs qui unissent. Les nationalistes se trompent quand ils prétendent défendre notre identité dans le retrait de l’Europe ; car c’est la civilisation européenne qui nous réunit, nous libère et nous protège. Mais ceux qui ne voudraient rien changer se trompent aussi, car ils nient les peurs qui traversent nos peuples, les doutes qui minent nos démocraties. Nous sommes à un moment décisif pour notre continent ; un moment où, collectivement, nous devons réinventer politiquement, culturellement, les formes de notre civilisation dans un monde qui se transforme. C’est le moment de la Renaissance européenne. Aussi, résistant aux tentations du repli et des divisions, je vous propose de bâtir ensemble cette Renaissance autour de trois ambitions : la liberté, la protection et le progrès.


Défendre notre liberté

Le modèle européen repose sur la liberté de l’homme, la diversité des opinions, de la création.Notre liberté première est la liberté démocratique, celle de choisir nos gouvernants là où, à chaque scrutin, des puissances étrangères cherchent à peser sur nos votes. Je propose que soit créée une Agence européenne de protection des démocraties qui fournira des experts européens à chaque Etat membre pour protéger son processus électoral contre les cyberattaques et les manipulations. Dans cet esprit d’indépendance, nous devons aussi interdire le financement des partis politiques européens par des puissances étrangères. Nous devrons bannir d’Internet, par des règles européennes, tous les discours de haine et de violence, car le respect de l’individu est le fondement de notre civilisation de dignité.


Protéger notre continent

Fondée sur la réconciliation interne, l’Union européenne a oublié de regarder les réalités du monde. Or aucune communauté ne crée de sentiment d’appartenance si elle n’a pas des limites qu’elle protège. La frontière, c’est la liberté en sécurité. Nous devons ainsi remettre à plat l’espace Schengen : tous ceux qui veulent y participer doivent remplir des obligations de responsabilité (contrôle rigoureux des frontières) et de solidarité (une même politique d’asile, avec les mêmes règles d’accueil et de refus). Une police des frontières commune et un office européen de l’asile, des obligations strictes de contrôle, une solidarité européenne à laquelle chaque pays contribue, sous l’autorité d’un Conseil européen de sécurité intérieure : je crois, face aux migrations, à une Europe qui protège à la fois ses valeurs et ses frontières.

Les mêmes exigences doivent s’appliquer à la défense. D’importants progrès ont été réalisés depuis deux ans, mais nous devons donner un cap clair : un traité de défense et de sécurité devra définir nos obligations indispensables, en lien avec l’OTAN et nos alliés européens : augmentation des dépenses militaires, clause de défense mutuelle rendue opérationnelle, Conseil de sécurité européen associant le Royaume‑Uni pour préparer nos décisions collectives.

Nos frontières doivent aussi assurer une juste concurrence. Quelle puissance au monde accepte de poursuivre ses échanges avec ceux qui ne respectent aucune de ses règles ? Nous ne pouvons pas subir sans rien dire. Nous devons réformer notre politique de concurrence, refonder notre politique commerciale : sanctionner ou interdire en Europe les entreprises qui portent atteinte à nos intérêts stratégiques et nos valeurs essentielles, comme les normes environnementales, la protection des données et le juste paiement de l’impôt ; et assumer, dans les industries stratégiques et nos marchés publics, une préférence européenne comme le font nos concurrents américains ou chinois.


Retrouver l’esprit de progrès

L’Europe n’est pas une puissance de second rang. L’Europe entière est une avant‑garde : elle a toujours su définir les normes du progrès. Pour cela, elle doit porter un projet de convergence plus que de concurrence : l’Europe, où a été créée la sécurité sociale, doit instaurer pour chaque travailleur, d’Est en Ouest et du Nord au Sud, un bouclier social lui garantissant la même rémunération sur le même lieu de travail, et un salaire minimum européen, adapté à chaque pays et discuté chaque année collectivement.

Renouer avec le fil du progrès, c’est aussi prendre la tête du combat écologique. Regarderons-nous nos enfants en face, si nous ne résorbons pas aussi notre dette climatique ? L’Union européenne doit fixer son ambition – 0 carbone en 2050, division par deux des pesticides en 2025 – et adapter ses politiques à cette exigence : Banque européenne du climatpour financer la transition écologique ; force sanitaire européenne pour renforcer les contrôles de nos aliments ; contre la menace des lobbies, évaluation scientifique indépendante des substances dangereuses pour l’environnement et la santé... Cet impératif doit guider toute notre action : de la Banque centrale à la Commission européenne, du budget européen au plan d’investissement pour l’Europe, toutes nos institutions doivent avoir le climat pour mandat.

Le progrès et la liberté, c’est pouvoir vivre de son travail : pour créer des emplois, l’Europe doit anticiper. C’est pour cela qu’elle doit non seulement réguler les géants du numérique, en créant une supervision européenne des grandes plateformes (sanction accélérée des atteintes à la concurrence, transparence de leurs algorithmes…), mais aussi financer l’innovation en dotant le nouveau Conseil européen de l’innovation d’un budget comparable à celui des Etats-Unis, pour prendre la tête des nouvelles ruptures technologiques, comme l’intelligence artificielle.

Une Europe qui se projette dans le monde doit être tournée vers l’Afrique, avec laquelle nous devons nouer un pacte d’avenir. En assumant un destin commun, en soutenant son développement de manière ambitieuse et non défensive : investissement, partenariats universitaires, éducation des jeunes filles…



Liberté, protection, progrès. Nous devons bâtir sur ces piliers une Renaissance européenne. Nous ne pouvons pas laisser les nationalistes sans solution exploiter la colère des peuples. Nous ne pouvons pas être les somnambules d’une Europe amollie. Nous ne pouvons pas rester dans la routine et l’incantation. L’humanisme européen est une exigence d’action. Et partout les citoyens demandent à participer au changement. Alors d’ici la fin de l’année, avec les représentants des institutions européennes et des Etats, mettons en place une Conférence pour l’Europe afin de proposer tous les changements nécessaires à notre projet politique, sans tabou, pas même la révision des traités. Cette conférence devra associer des panels de citoyens, auditionner des universitaires, les partenaires sociaux, des représentants religieux et spirituels. Elle définira une feuille de route pour l’Union européenne traduisant en actions concrètes ces grandes priorités. Nous aurons des désaccords, mais vaut-il mieux une Europe figée ou une Europe qui progresse parfois à différents rythmes, en restant ouverte à tous ?

Dans cette Europe, les peuples auront vraiment repris le contrôle de leur destin ; dans cette Europe, le Royaume-Uni, j’en suis sûr, trouvera toute sa place.

Citoyens d’Europe, l’impasse du Brexit est une leçon pour tous. Sortons de ce piège, donnons un sens aux élections à venir et à notre projet. A vous de décider si l’Europe, les valeurs de progrès qu’elle porte, doivent être davantage qu’une parenthèse dans l’histoire. C’est le choix que je vous propose, pour tracer ensemble le chemin d’une Renaissance européenne.

Emmanuel Macron



ESPAÑOL

Ciudadanos de Europa:

Si me he tomado la libertad de dirigirme a ustedes directamente, no es solo en nombre de la historia y de los valores que nos unen, sino también porque hay urgencia. Dentro de unas semanas, las elecciones europeas serán decisivas para el futuro de nuestro continente.

Nunca antes, desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Europa ha sido tan necesaria. Y, sin embargo, nunca ha estado tan en peligro.

El Brexit es ejemplo de todo ello. Ejemplo de la crisis de una Europa que no ha sabido satisfacer las necesidades de protección de los pueblos frente a los grandes cambios del mundo contemporáneo. Ejemplo, también, de la trampa europea. La trampa no es pertenecer a la Unión Europea, sino la mentira y la irresponsabilidad que pueden destruirla. ¿Quién les ha contado a los británicos la verdad sobre su futuro tras el Brexit? ¿Quién les ha hablado de perder el acceso al mercado europeo? ¿Quién ha advertido de los peligros para la paz en Irlanda si se vuelve a la frontera del pasado? El repliegue nacionalista no tiene propuestas; es un «no» sin proyecto. Y esta trampa amenaza a toda Europa: los que explotan la rabia, ayudados por noticias falsas, prometen una cosa y la contraria.

Frente a estas manipulaciones, debemos mantenernos firmes. Orgullosos y lúcidos. Recordemos primero qué es Europa. Es un éxito histórico: la reconciliación de un continente devastado, plasmada en un proyecto inédito de paz, prosperidad y libertad. No lo olvidemos nunca. Hoy día, este proyecto nos sigue protegiendo. ¿Qué país puede actuar solo frente a las estrategias agresivas de las grandes potencias? ¿Quién puede pretender ser soberano, solo, frente a los gigantes digitales? ¿Cómo resistiríamos a las crisis del capitalismo financiero sin el euro, que es una baza para toda la Unión? Europa es también esos miles de proyectos cotidianos que han cambiado la faz de nuestros territorios: una escuela renovada aquí, una carretera asfaltada allá, un acceso rápido a Internet que está llegando al fin… Esta lucha es un compromiso diario, porque Europa, como la paz, no viene dada. En nombre de Francia, abandero esta lucha sin descanso para hacer avanzar a Europa y defender su modelo. Hemos demostrado que lo que nos dijeron que era inalcanzable –como la creación de una defensa europea o la protección de los derechos sociales– finalmente era posible.

Con todo, hay que hacer más y más rápido. Porque hay otra trampa: la del statu quo y la resignación. Frente a las grandes crisis mundiales, los ciudadanos nos dicen a menudo: «¿Dónde está Europa? ¿Qué está haciendo Europa?». Para ellos, se ha convertido en un mercado sin alma. Pero sabemos que no es solo un mercado, que es también un proyecto. El mercado es útil, pero no debe hacernos olvidar lo necesario de las fronteras que nos protegen y de los valores que nos unen. Los nacionalistas se equivocan cuando pretenden defender nuestra identidad apelando a la salida de Europa, porque es la civilización europea la que nos une, nos libera y nos protege. Pero los que no querrían cambiar nada también se equivocan, porque niegan los temores que atraviesan nuestros pueblos, las dudas que socavan nuestras democracias. Estamos en un momento decisivo para nuestro continente. Un momento en el que, colectivamente, debemos reinventar, política y culturalmente, las formas de nuestra civilización en un mundo cambiante. Es el momento para el Renacimiento Europeo. Así pues, resistiendo a las tentaciones del repliegue y la división, quiero proponer que, juntos, construyamos ese Renacimiento en torno a tres aspiraciones: la libertad, la protección y el progreso.


Defender nuestra libertad

El modelo europeo se basa en la libertad individual y la diversidad de opiniones y de creación.Nuestra libertad primera es la libertad democrática, la de elegir a nuestros gobernantes allí donde, en cada cita electoral, hay potencias extranjeras que intentan influir en nuestros votos. Propongo que se cree una Agencia Europea de Protección de las Democracias que aporte expertos europeos a cada Estado miembro para proteger sus procesos electorales de ciberataques y manipulaciones. En este espíritu de independencia, también debemos prohibir la financiación de partidos políticos europeos por parte de potencias extranjeras. Asimismo, a través de reglas europeas, debemos desterrar de Internet el discurso del odio y la violencia, porque el respeto al individuo es la base de nuestra civilización de la dignidad humana.


Proteger nuestro continente

Fundada en la reconciliación interna, la Unión Europea se ha olvidado de mirar a otras realidades en el mundo. Ahora bien, ninguna comunidad genera un sentimiento de pertenencia si no tiene límites que proteger. La frontera es la libertad en seguridad. En este sentido, debemos revisar el espacio Schengen: todos los que quieran participar en él deberán cumplir una serie de obligaciones de responsabilidad (control riguroso de fronteras) y solidaridad (una misma política de asilo con las mismas reglas de acogida y denegación). Una policía de fronteras común y una Oficina Europea de Asilo, estrictas obligaciones de control y una solidaridad europea a la que contribuyan todos los países bajo la autoridad de un Consejo Europeo de Seguridad Interior. Frente a las migraciones, creo en una Europa que protege a la vez sus valores y sus fronteras.

Estas mismas exigencias deben aplicarse a la defensa. Pese a que en los dos últimos años se han registrado avances significativos, debemos establecer un rumbo claro. Así, un tratado de defensa y seguridad deberá definir nuestras obligaciones ineludibles, en colaboración con la OTAN y nuestros aliados europeos: aumento del gasto militar, activación de la cláusula de defensa mutua y creación de un Consejo de Seguridad Europeo que incluya al Reino Unido para preparar nuestras decisiones colectivas.

Nuestras fronteras también deben garantizar una competencia leal. ¿Qué potencia acepta mantener sus intercambios con aquellos que no respetan ninguna de sus reglas? No podemos someternos sin decir nada. Tenemos que reformar nuestra política de competencia, refundar nuestra política comercial: sancionar o prohibir en Europa aquellas empresas que vulneren nuestros intereses estratégicos y valores fundamentales –como las normas medioambientales, la protección de datos o el pago justo de impuestos– y adoptar una preferencia europea en las industrias estratégicas y en nuestros mercados de contratación pública, al igual que nuestros competidores estadounidenses o chinos.


Recuperar el espíritu de progreso

Europa no es una potencia de segunda clase. Toda Europa está a la vanguardia: siempre ha sabido definir las normas del progreso y en esta línea debe ofrecer un proyecto de convergencia, más que de competencia. Europa, que creó la seguridad social, debe establecer para cada trabajador, de este a oeste y de norte a sur, un escudo social que le garantice la misma remuneración en el mismo lugar de trabajo, y un salario mínimo europeo adaptado a cada país y revisado anualmente de forma colectiva.

Retomar el hilo del progreso es también liderar la lucha contra el cambio climático. ¿Podremos mirar a nuestros hijos a los ojos si no logramos reducir nuestra deuda con el clima? La Unión Europea debe fijar sus ambiciones –cero carbono en 2050, reducción a la mitad de los pesticidas en 2025– y adaptar sus políticas a esta exigencia: Banco Europeo del Clima para financiar la transición ecológica, dispositivo sanitario europeo para reforzar el control de nuestros alimentos, y, frente a la amenaza de los lobbies, evaluación científica independiente de sustancias peligrosas para el medio ambiente y la salud, etc. Este imperativo debe guiar todas nuestras acciones. Del Banco Central Europeo a la Comisión Europea, pasando por el presupuesto europeo o el Plan de Inversiones para Europa, todas nuestras instituciones deben tener al clima como prioridad.

Progreso y libertad es poder vivir del trabajo y, para crear empleo, Europa debe ser previsora. Para ello, no solo debe regular a los gigantes del sector digital, creando una supervisión europea de grandes plataformas(sanciones aceleradas para las infracciones de las normas de la competencia, transparencia de algoritmos, etc.), sino también financiar la innovaciónasignando al nuevo Consejo Europeo de Innovación un presupuesto comparable al de Estados Unidos para liderar las nuevas rupturas tecnológicas como la inteligencia artificial.

Una Europa que se proyecta hacia el resto del mundo debe mirar a África, con quien debemos sellar un pacto de futuro, asumiendo un destino común y apoyando su desarrollo de forma ambiciosa y no defensiva con inversión, colaboración universitaria, educación y formación de las niñas, etc.


Libertad, protección, progreso. Sobre estos pilares debemos construir el Renacimiento Europeo. No podemos dejar que los nacionalistas sin propuestas exploten la rabia de los pueblos. No podemos ser los sonámbulos de una Europa lánguida. No podemos estancarnos en la rutina y el encantamiento. El humanismo europeo exige acción y por todas partes los ciudadanos están pidiendo participar en el cambio. Así pues, antes de finales de año, organicemos una Conferencia para Europa, junto a los representantes de las instituciones europeas y los Estados, con el fin de proponer todos los cambios necesarios para nuestro proyecto político, sin tabúes, ni siquiera revisar los tratados. Dicha conferencia deberá incluir a paneles de ciudadanos y dar voz a universitarios, interlocutores sociales y representantes religiosos y espirituales. En ella se definirá una hoja de ruta para la Unión Europea que traduzca estas grandes prioridades en acciones concretas. Tendremos discrepancias, pero ¿qué es mejor, una Europa estancada o una Europa que avanza a veces a ritmos diferentes, manteniéndose abierta al exterior?

En esta Europa, los pueblos habrán recuperado realmente el control de su destino. En esta Europa, estoy seguro de que el Reino Unido encontrará su lugar.

Ciudadanos de Europa: el impasse del Brexit nos sirve de lección a todos. Salgamos de esta trampa y démosle un sentido a las próximas elecciones y a nuestro proyecto. Ustedes deciden si Europa y los valores de progreso que representa deben ser algo más que un paréntesis en la historia. Esta es la propuesta que les hago para trazar juntos el camino del Renacimiento Europeo.

Emmanuel Macron

https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2019/03/04/por-un-renacimiento-europeo.es

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Pro-independence departments of British universities pocket 200,000 euros The Catalan university sector is in full crisis; however, the Institut Ramon Llull grants aids to the London School of Economics and the University of Liverpool, which have hosted lectures by Guardiola and Ponsatí

María Jesús Cañizares @MJesusCanizares

Internationalizing the procés is the main objective of the Catalan diplomacy.
 



José Ignacio Torreblanca, Alfred Bosch, Paul Preston, Clara Ponsatí and Aamer Anwar (from left to right) in a debate at the London School of Economics, one of the pro-independence departments/institutions subsidized by the Govern / EVENTS LSE



Internationalizing the procés is the main objective of the Catalan diplomacy. Hence, the Government grants subsidies to international university departments predisposed to host conferences and symposiums led by pro-independence leaders. According to the data that Crónica Global has had access to, the Generalitat has allocated nearly 200,000 euros to fund English universities that sympathize with the secessionist cause, while the Catalan centers still suffer the great budget cuts of 2011.

Since 2011, the year in which the Government applied the budget cuts in social spending, the Catalan university system has lost 10.000 students due to the price of enrollment, the highest in Spain, together with fees that increased by 67%. Far from reversing this situation, the Government of Quim Torra has resigned to lower university fees in the budget of the Generalitat of 2019. However, these accounts have not been approved in the Consell Executiu or processed in the Parliament, in a procedure never seen before and very much criticised by PSC and Catalunya in Comú-Podem. The government blockade provoked by the procés has not prevented the Generalitat from maintaining its policy of secessionist promotion. Also internationally.

The pressure of Forum of Professors

Thus, according to the data obtained through the Freedom of Information Request by Alfonso Valero, founder of the Professors’ Forum, the Government has paid the London School of Economics (LSE) a total of 129,000 euros since 2000 through the Institut Ramon Llull.

Forum of Professors is a platform of professionals that rejects the "lies of separatism" and defends the unity of Spain and the Rule of Law. It watches closely the diplomatic movements of the independence movement. At the beginning of February, this association managed that a debate organized by the LSE, to which only the former minister of Education Clara Ponsatí (fugitive in Scotland), her lawyer Aamer Anwar and the minister of Foreign Affairs, Alfred Bosch, had been invited, included the presence of the professor of Political Sciences of the UNED José Ignacio Torreblanca.

The complicity of Paul Preston

The historian Paul Preston is the director of the Cañada Blanch Center for the study of contemporary Spain at the LSE. This center, funded by the Valencian foundation Cañada Blanch, dedicated to the "boost of Spanish culture, education and economy", co-organized that conference of Ponsatí and Bosch. The Cañada Blanch Foundation, according to the data compiled by Valero, has paid the LSE a total of 73,487 euros. However, it also protested against the initial "little plural" format of that colloquium.


The historian Paul Preston

In an interview with The Beaver, the newspaper of the LSE, Paul Preston defended the right to self-determination and assured that Spanish intellectual life "tends to be Manichean", because it is a country where "it is easy to make enemies because either you are with them or you are against them”. Preston was one of the international observers proposed by the pro-independence leaders for the trial of 1-O, a petition rejected by the Supreme Court.
In addition, the Institut Ramon Llull has paid a total of 21,148 euros since 2008 to the University of Liverpool, which in November 2008 hosted a symposium in which the former Barça coach and self-confessed supporter of independence Josep Guardiola participated, who referred to the "repression" Catalonia suffers for holding a referéndum of independence. He also assured that the president-elect, Carles Puigdemont, "is in exile" and there are political prisoners.

https://cronicaglobal.elespanol.com/politica/catedras-inglesas-proindependentistas-embolsan-200-000-euros_225831_102.html

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From Munich. Multilateralism is the best means to maintain peace for 80 years

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The general peace that has enjoyed most of the planet since the end of World War II is due, in large part, to the conception of international relations as a system where countries are in permanent dialogue - even if it is to launch accusations -, belong to the same forums worldwide and often cooperate in common objectives. It is what is known as multilateralism. A system that, with its failures, has helped to avoid the repetition of a conflict on a global scale.

However, nationalisms and populisms have introduced a new way of understanding relations between countries and the role they play in the world. It is an aggressive discourse that considers dialogue as a sign of weakness or, at best, as a waste of time. International forums are seen as incompetent organisms, when they are not a focus of corruption, while international treaties of a multilateral nature are seen as ties instead of the foundations of a common peace and prosperity system.

That is why the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, has been particularly accurate during the celebration this weekend of the Security Conference in Munich, warning that these structures that underpin the world we know "have broken into small pieces" and remembering what many of the opponents of multilateralism are skimping on their audiences: that those structures that govern the coexistence of the international community are the result of "the horrors of war." A battle for which this September will mark the 80 years of its beginning.

In these eight decades there are many examples of the very serious human and material consequences of the abandonment of this cooperation path. Wars, famines or environmental catastrophes have multiplied their lethal effect as a result of the lack of dialogue or, simply, by not resorting to international organizations and abide by common commitments.

At a time in history full of uncertainty where the societies of the planet face a series of common challenges of the utmost urgency - such as climate change - it turns out that the international cooperation system is cracking under the pressure of a demagogic discourse. It promises its constituencies to safeguard them from all their problems by breaking the braid of dialogue that has taken decades to set up and building physical barriers. A deadly short-time siren song for global stability that has already resurrected old threats that seemed, at least, parked, like nuclear proliferation.

In Munich, European voices have rightly proposed a redefinition of that multilateral system. Not to bury it definitively as the current Administration of Donald Trump intends, but to make of dialogue, cooperation and the existence of common forums to expose the differences the continuing network that protects the world from an uncontrolled escalation which would lead to a worldwide catastrophe, as history has already taught us several times.

https://elpais.com/elpais/2019/02/18/opinion/1550510970_191198.html 

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Does the EU also repress us?

Joaquín Luna

Neither Carles Puigdemont nor Quim Torra today will deliver their planned lecture at the European Parliament headquarters in Brussels due to the veto of the institution. And the extraordinary thing is that they tear off their rags.

The episode confirms another disaster: the independence movement is openly anti-European and also aspires to erode a common house with so many enemies in 2019. Or rather "friends", like the representatives of Catalonia...

The marvelous thing here is that holy indignation which attributes the prohibition to an arbitrary action of the president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, Princess of Asturias award to the Concord 2017, a distinction that he collected accompanied -significantly- by the higher officers of the EU's staff.

Ever since October 2017, when the European Union stood unequivocally against the referendum and in defense of respect for the legal framework of Spain - dialogue yes, but within the Constitution -, ERC, CUP and PDECat - mon dieu! - are continuously attacking and increasingly in an open mode the European Union, in tune with that disquieting cabin of the Marx brothers: the Brexiters, the National Front, the Italian League, the Hungarian Orbán, the Polish Government of Law and Justice...

Peacefully and civically, business as usual, pro-independence protesters occupied, last February 2, the central headquarters in Barcelona of the EU, where they hung the banner of the moment - self-determination should be a European right! -, placed a black crepe in the blue flag, locked themselves up all night and when they left they slipped some warnings: "Europe cannot remain impassible (...) we are preparing more direct actions", said the president of the ANC. The CUP included Europe among the enemies of Catalonia.

Every political movement is very free to choose its friends and its enemies, but it borders on childishness to think that one can occupy a building of the EU headquarters - something unusual and unfriendly -, continually launch Eurosceptic tweets - as Puigdemont has been doing - and then be surprised that the doors are closed.

For some time now, unfortunately for all, the sovereignty parties have assumed their immunity and nothing that they say or do can have consequences. The new mantra is that self-determination is not a crime - it certainly is not - and therefore, trickily, it is already a right that one can exercise when s/he so decides. And now they demand that the EU - do they know its origins, its ambition to overcome nationalisms and blur borders? - supports something that goes against the very reason of its existence. Not only do we shoot at our own foot every other day but we command the EU to do the same...

The sovereignty parties are going inside the cabin of the Marx Brothers with a frivolity that frightens. With friends like these ones, the EU does not need enemies.

 https://www.lavanguardia.com/opinion/20190218/46529211758/tambien-la-ue-nos-reprime.html

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The European Parliament prevents the Puigdemont lecture for reasons of "public order"

Lluís Pellicer 

Tajani justifies the disavowal for the "tensions" linked to the trial and the occupations of the headquarters of the community institutions in Barcelona two weeks ago

The president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, decided this Friday to prevent, for reasons of "public order", the lecture that on Monday was to be delivered by former President Carles Puigdemont on the trial of the procés. The European Parliament justified the veto in the occupations of the headquarters of the EU institutions in Barcelona by activists of the Catalan National Assembly on the 1st of February and "the tensions" derived from the trial. Puigdemont kept the door open to lead the European lists to bring the "right to self-determination" to Parliament.

Puigdemont had been invited by the Flemish nationalist MEP Ralph Packet and the Slovenian MEP Ivo Vajgl to the European Parliament to give a lecture under the title Catalonia and the trial of the referendum: a challenge for the European Union. There were already a date and a time scheduled: next Monday at 18.30. And in the lecture he was going to be flanked by the president of the Generalitat, Quim Torra. However, the PP MEP Esteban González Pons, the PSOE MEP Iratxe García and the Citizens MEP Javier Nart sent a letter to Tajani asking him to cancel the event.

These MEPs had demanded to veto what would have been the first visit of Puigdemont to the European Parliament since he escaped to Belgium, on the grounds that the Parliament cannot "welcome someone who is evaded from Spanish justice and has flaunted his repeated disobedience to rulings and warnings from the Constitutional Court”.

After consulting with the Security Directorate of the European Parliament, Tajani decided to prevent the lecture. After carrying out an evaluation, according to the statement issued by the Parliament, it was concluded that there was a "high risk" that the event could threaten "the maintenance of public order", without its security services being able to "mitigate" the risk.

In that analysis, according to the statement, not only have been taken into account the "tensions" related to the trial of the procés, but also "the recent occupation" of the venues in Barcelona of the EU Parliament and European Commision by demostrators of the Catalan National Assembly. It has also been taken into account, it adds, the "lack of information about the participants in the event" and, especially, the "possibility of incidents inside or around" the premises.

Puigdemont, who attended the Brussels Book Fair in the afternoon, accused Tajani of letting himself be "dragged" by a "demophobic drift" since he considered it "utterly false" that the lecture would jeopardize Parliament's security. "I regret that the European Parliament has surrendered to the pressures of the tripartite of the 155, and that instead of reinforcing its role as a temple of speech (...) it censors the voice of those who represent Catalan institutions, such as President Torra", he complained.

May Elections

Puigdemont reopened the door to stand as a candidate for the elections to the European Parliament next May. Tajani's decision, he said, "is a compelling argument". "When they try to silence and marginalize you and deny the evidence of the persistent reality that they do not like, we have to find ways to break it up in the middle of the plenary session of the Parliament or the European institutions", said the former president. In his opinion, in the next legislature the independence parties must put on the EU's agenda "the right to self-determination and the freedom of peoples".

Both the PP and Citizens celebrated the decision of Tajani. The PP spokesman in the European Parliament, Esteban González Pons, said through his Twitter account that he had acted with "responsibility" to "suspend the act of the perpetrator of the coup and escaped Puigdemont".

"After the pro-independence activists took the seat of the European institutions 15 days ago in Barcelona, ​​they had to avoid repeating the aggression," added the PP spokesman. The leader of Citizens in Catalonia, Inés Arrimadas, affirmed that "making propaganda of the division" attacks "the foundational values ​​of the EU”.

https://elpais.com/politica/2019/02/15/actualidad/1550240581_177937.html 

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