Saturday, November 24, 2018

Prisoners of a Referendum





Vicente Serrano





PRISONERS OF A REFERENDUM

There are those who affirm that "voting is democracy" and, therefore, they consider us who criticize any request for a referendum, undemocratic, and fascists (“fachas”). Such a Manichean argument has permeated the entire discourse of Catalan, Basque, Scottish, Spanish or British nationalism. The reality is that democracy is always something more than voting, much more. But it’s true that voting is essential for democracy.

The problem is that you can vote for what you have the competence to vote for. Let's see. It is affirmed, on the part of the national-Catalanism, that Catalonia has the right to decide if it wants to be an independent State. It is as if the Spaniards except the Catalans could vote if they expel Catalonia from Spain. Those of Charnego news have made acid comments about it. Let's say you can not marginalize Extremadura from a decision that affects them (their expulsion from Spain), as you can not marginalize non-Catalan Spaniards from the decision to segregate a part of Spain. In both cases it is obviously a segregation of the poor.

Catalan referenda

In Catalonia, since the Transition, there have been four referenda about the autonomy. Two were legal and two illegal.  Of the legal ones the first one was carried out in 1979 to approve the Statute, in which almost 60% of the census participated − apparently it didn’t generate great enthusiasm − imagine that it had been demanded, as determined by the Constitution of the Second Spanish Republic, two thirds of the census for approval. The second referendum was convened in 2006 to approve the reform of the Statute; the participation did not reach 49% of the census. It seems that the subject didn’t motivate more than half of the population. 

Of the two illegal referenda, there are no official data on the Generalitat's website − even those who convened them considered them illegal! In the first, the famous vote of November 9, 2014, the participation, not certified, was just over 36%. The results of the second, the referendum of  October 1st , 2017 are more than questionable and, although Wikipedia speaks of 43% as unverified data, it is evident that such data are false (we could speak of the mobilization of up to 400,000 people, but even that data may be inflated)

Other Catalan referenda

We the Catalans have participated in four more referenda that affected all Spaniards, all of them legal. In the first one, that about the Law for Political Reform of 1976, 74% of the Catalan census participated, surpassing 93% of votes in favour. The following one, that of the Constitution, in 1978, had a participation of almost 70%, a 0.8 greater than in the whole of Spain and obtained 90.5% of votes in favour, exceeding by two and a half points the national average. 

The third one referendum was held in 1986 on the permanence of Spain in NATO. The participation at the national level exceeded 59% of the census − 57% of votes were affirmative. In Catalonia, participation was almost 63% with a majority of negative votes − almost 54%.

The fourth one, in 2005 on the European Constitution, exceeded the 42% of participation, with almost 82% of votes favorable. In Catalonia, participation fell to 41% and the affirmative votes were 64%


What is a referendum for? 

We should ask ourselves this question before committing ourselves to ask for a referendum, since sometimes its results are not so decisive as to make the decision the most democratic. According to the results, it can be said that among the 8 referenda, there are two in which the interest of the Catalans in participating could clearly be seen − the one about of the Political Reform and the one on the Constitution, with a participation greater than or equal to 70%. We could recognize some legitimacy to the referendum on the Statute of 1979, with 60% participation. But the other referenda were of no utility, at least in order to discern the will of the Catalans / Spaniards. We can say they served to the partisan politics of those who convened them. 

About the strictly Catalan referenda it can be said that the reform of the Statute (2006) did not solve the problem that created us former president Maragall, given the very low participation. Of the two illegal referenda we can only learn that they have been a tool of social division, and that to cure the wounds will require a lot of time and will. 

The use of the referendum as a political decision-making tool should be made after a calm social debate and with the participation of all those involved, all of them. That is, you can not make referenda in Catalonia or Extremadura that affect the lives of all Spaniards. In addition, we must define previously what percentages of participation are required and what percentages of the census should be reached by the option mostly favored. This is to say that the half plus one of the votes is not enough.

The Brexit 

In fact, the title of this article is inspired by the problem generated in the United Kingdom by the result of the referendum to leave the EU. It is probable that a new referendum would produce results diametrically opposed to the first one.

Today, the British are more aware of the implications of the Brexit. With a participation of 72%, almost 52% were in 2016 in favour of leaving the European Union and 48% in favour of remaining in it. We can imagine that a small increase or decrease in participation, together with greater knowledge, could mean a change in a political decision of enormous importance, not only for the British, but also for all Europeans. It has to bi taken into account that 52% favourable to the exit represent only 37.5% of the British population. How can a decision of this magnitude be made without at least a half of the census? 

But the British are prisoners of a referendum where the lies, as they later acknowledged, forced a decision that is weighing on European politics; that is, it not only affects the British, but all Europeans 

The CatExit 

Certainly, the electoral percentages 48/52 (secessionism / non-secessionism), inverted by the tricks (birlibirloque) of the electoral system in 53/47 members of the Catalan Parliament, are very similar to those of Brexit and cause big problems of difficult solution in Spain, and it does not seem that a referendum is going to solve them. Above all, all Spaniards are to be taken into account and clean rules of the game are to be established ... Very unlikely things. 

It’s necessary to democratize political life and strengthen the State. But in Catalonia this is more a desire than a possibility. It’s necessary to rescue ethics and impose a system of real democracy where all the votes hare the same value, where all the political options have the same presence in the media, and were the electoral expenses of the large parties are limited, and the corruption suppressed. 

It is a desire. It is not easy! 

Nou Barris, Barcelona. November 16, 2018 

* Author of the essay EL VALOR REAL DEL VOTO (The Real value of vote), Editorial El Viejo Topo, 2016

* Author of the essay EL VALOR REAL DEL VOTO (The Real value of vote), Editorial El Viejo Topo, 2016
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